23 May 1915
Italian Premier Antonio Salandra's
Declaration for the Allies
Biography
I address myself to Italy and to the civilized world in order to
show not by violent words, but by exact facts and documents, how the
fury of our enemies has vainly attempted to diminish the high moral and
political dignity of the cause which our arms will make prevail. I
shall speak with the calm of which the King of Italy has given a noble
example, when he called his land and sea forces to arms. I shall speak
with the respect due to my position and
to the place in which I speak. I can afford to ignore the insults
written in Imperial, Royal, and Archducal proclamations. Since I speak
from the Capitol, and represent in this solemn hour the people and the
Government of Italy, I, a modest citizen, feel that I am far nobler
than the head of the house of the Hapsburgs.
The commonplace statesmen who, in rash frivolity of mind and
mistaken in all their calculations, set fire last July to the whole of
Europe and even to their own hearths and homes, have now noticed their
fresh colossal mistake, and in the Parliaments of
Budapest and Berlin have poured forth brutal invective of Italy and her
Government with the obvious design of securing the forgiveness of their
fellow-citizens and intoxicating them
with cruel visions of hatred and blood. The German Chancellor said he
was imbued not with hatred, but with anger, and he spoke the truth
because he reasoned badly, as is usually the case in fits of rage. I
could not, even if I chose, imitate their language. An
atavistic throwback to primitive barbarism is more difficult for us who
have twenty centuries behind us more than they have.
The fundamental thesis of the statesmen of Central Europe is to be
found in the words "treason and surprise on the part of Italy toward
her faithful allies." It would be easy to ask if he has any right to
speak of alliance and respect for treaties who, representing with
infinitely less genius, but with equal moral indifference, the
tradition of Frederick the Great and Bismarck, proclaimed that
necessity know no law, and consented to his
country trampling under foot and burying at the bottom of the ocean all
the documents and all the customs of civilization and international
law. But that would be too easy an argument.
Let us examine, on the contrary, positively and calmly, if our former
allies are entitled to say that they were betrayed and surprised by
us....
The horrible crime of Sarajevo was exploited as a pretext a month
after it happened -- this was proved by the refusal of Austria to
accept the very extensive offers of Serbia -- nor at the moment o the
general conflagration would Austria have been satisfied with the
unconditional acceptance of the ultimatum. Count Berchtold on July 31st
declared to the Duke of Avarna that, if there had been a possibility of
mediation being exercised, it could not have interrupted hostilities,
which had already begun with Serbia. This was the mediation for which
Great Britain and Italy were working. In any case, Count Berchtold was
not disposed to accept mediation tending to weaken the conditions
indicated in
the Austrian note, which, naturally, would have been increased at the
end of the war....
Where is, then, the treason, the iniquity, the surprise, if, after
nine months of vain efforts to reach an honorable understanding which
recognized in equitable measure our rights and our liberties, we
resumed liberty of action? The truth is that Austria and Germany
believed until the last days that they had to deal with an Italy weak,
blustering, but not acting, capable of trying blackmail, but not
enforcing by arms her good right, with an Italy which could be
paralyzed by spending a few millions, and which by dealings which she
could not avow was placing herself between the country and the
Government.
The effect was the contrary. An immense outburst of indignation was
kindled throughout
Italy and not among the populace, but among the nobles of the country,
which is ready to shed its blood for the nation. This outburst of
indignation was kindled as the result of the suspicion that a foreign
Ambassador was interfering between the Italian Government, the
Parliament, and the country. In the blaze thus kindled internal
discussions melted away, and the whole nation was joined in a wonderful
moral union, which will prove our greatest source of strength in the
severe struggle which faces us, and which must lead us by our own
virtue, and not by benevolent concessions from others, to the
accomplishment of the highest destinies of the country.
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Antonio Salandra
 Antonio Salandra (1853-1931) served as Italy's Prime Minister from the outbreak of war in Europe until his resignation two years later following military defeat at the Trentino in May 1916.
Born in Troia, Puglia to a wealthy family on 13 August 1853, Salandra was educated in law and was professor of administrative science at the University of Rome before deciding to enter politics.
An authoritarian conservative, Salandra's political career saw steady progress. He was appointed Minister for Agriculture in 1899 and Finance Minister seven years later (and again in 1909-10).
Taking office as Prime Minister in March 1914 in the wake of a political crisis and with shortages caused by the Turkish war of 1911-12 commonplace, Salandra was seen by many as merely a stop-gap premier. Indeed it is probable that his administration would have fallen by mid-summer had not the July Crisis intervened, halting the riots that had broken out in June.
Salandra publicly announced Italy's policy of neutrality on 2 August, reflecting popular opinion across the nation. This was despite Italy's membership of the Central Powers alliance with Germany and Austria-Hungary.
However Italy (which had earlier negotiated a secret treaty with France in any event) escaped its obligations by citing Austria-Hungary's decision to attack Serbia without first notifying Italy as providing legitimate cause for the latter's policy of neutrality.
Salandra, who was determined to pursue a policy of Italian self-interest, was eventually persuaded that Italy's future was best served by entering the war on the side of the Allies. His hand was strengthened when he came away from the secret 1915 Treaty of London with commitments from the Allies to support Italian territorial ambitions after the war (chiefly at the expense of Austria-Hungary).
Finally entering the fray on 23 May 1915 on a wave of popular support, Salandra hoped for a relatively short war with the prospect of sweeping Italian territorial gains. He was to be disappointed in both.
With military policy firmly dictated by Chief of Staff Luigi Cadorna - who repeatedly resisted Salandra's ineffectual attempts to assert political control of the military campaign - Italy failed to make any significant gains despite innumerable attempts along the Isonzo (eleven battles in all).
At last, with defeat at the Trentino in May 1916, Salandra's government fell on 10 June 1916, the first to do so among the Allies. Salandra played no further wartime role in either the Boselli or Orlando administrations, although he served as a delegate at Versailles and subsequently represented Italy at the League of Nations.
After the war Salandra's brand of conservatism led him to initially support Benito Mussolini and his fascist policies, although he later modified his position. He was made a senator by Mussolini in 1928.
Antonio Salandra died in Rome on 9 December 1931 at the age of 78.
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